Rethinking Migration in the Gulf: Why Race and Colonial History Matter Now

The global displacement crisis has grown to unprecedented levels. Today, one in every 95 people worldwide must leave their homes because of persecution, war, and climate degradation. The Arab Gulf states offer a fascinating perspective on migration patterns that their colonial history and racial hierarchies have shaped.

British Empire’s colonial classifications have left a lasting mark on Gulf migration systems. These classifications created a stark separation between citizens and migrants. Historical policies painted Gulf Arabs as one homogeneous group while viewing South Asians mainly as laborers. This system still disrupts modern migration patterns. Dark-skinned Arabs and Middle Eastern refugees face unique challenges when they try to move or gain acceptance in these regions.

This piece looks at how the Gulf region’s colonial past and racial dynamics affect its current migration landscape. The analysis spans from the rise of the Kafala system to new reform efforts. It shows how past colonial practices still guide today’s migration policies and social hierarchies in Gulf states. A deeper grasp of these historical links is vital to create fair migration policies in the region.

Colonial Roots of Gulf Migration Systems

The British Empire shaped migration systems in Gulf states through direct and indirect control from the 1930s to the 1970s. These historical patterns still affect migration policies and social structures in the region today.

British Empire’s Racial Classifications in the Gulf

The British Empire created clear racial distinctions between Gulf Arabs and South Asians. They portrayed Gulf Arabs as a timeless, uniform, and ‘pure’ group. This racial categorization served two purposes: it tied specific populations to certain territories and created conditions to exploit labor without destabilizing Gulf regimes politically.

Oil companies managed labor migration with colonial bureaucracies in British-controlled territories like Kuwait (until 1961), Bahrain, Qatar, and the UAE (until 1971). These companies set up recruitment offices worldwide to select workers locally and internationally. The Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO) grew significantly, with employee numbers jumping from 610 to 5,038 between 1933 and 1936.

Creation of Citizen vs Migrant Categories

Coastal sheikhdoms signed treaties between 1820 and 1916 that gave up control over immigration and granted oil and gas rights in exchange for British protection. The British Empire then introduced passport controls and required British authorities’ approval to enter the Gulf.

Colonial administrators created three distinct mobility categories:

1. Vernacular Mobility: Gulf locals moved from non-oil areas to oil regions for unskilled work
2. Colonial Mobility: Skilled and semi-skilled workers came from the Arab world and British Raj
3. Imperial Mobility: British and American skilled expatriates immigrated

The Indian Emigration Act of 1922 regulated migration through British-owned oil companies. This led to over 8,000 Indian workers in oil and an equal number in services. Workers from Gulf and other Arab countries often bypassed these rules by forging certificates and moving freely across the region.

Effect on Modern Immigration Policies

The colonial legacy lives on through two main channels in postcolonial states. States inherited colonial laws and repurposed colonial bureaucratic structures. The policy of keeping migrants separate from Gulf societies stems from large-scale oil exploitation that began almost a century ago.

British Empire’s racial classifications left lasting marks on migration management:

• Gulf states developed dual, two-tiered labor markets
• The kafala system emerged from religious and commercial local laws
• Unfree labor and exploitative employer-employee relationships became common

The Kuwait Oil Company (KOC) showed remarkable growth under this system. Employee numbers rose from 266 in 1945 to 12,705 by December 1949. Similarly, the California Standard Oil Company (CASOC), later ARAMCO, grew from under 150 employees in 1935 to 3,641 in 1939.

Colonial practices established patterns of urban development that people now call ‘dubaisation’. These historical events deepened the divide between local citizens and foreign migrants. Today’s system controls migrants politically by limiting naturalization opportunities and creating different rights standards.

Economic Forces Shaping Modern Gulf Migration

“Wealth is still concentrated in the hands of a few powers whose wasteful economies are maintained by the exploitation of the labor as well as the transfer and the plunder of the national and other resources of the peoples of Africa, Latin America, Asia and other regions of the world.” — Fidel Castro, President of Cuba

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have seen remarkable economic changes since the 1950s oil boom. These changes have reshaped how people move in and out of the region. The local job markets and population makeup look completely different now.

Oil Boom and Labor Demands

The 1970s oil find changed everything about how people moved through the Gulf region. Oil money led to quick growth in cities and industry. Local workers couldn’t keep up with all the work to be done. The region grew from 4 million people in 1950 to 28 million by 1997.

Money flowed freely during the fourth oil boom (2002-2008). GCC states saw their revenue jump from USD 91.10 billion to USD 355.00 billion between 2002 and 2007. This money funded big infrastructure projects that needed foreign workers. Today, foreign workers make up about 70% of GCC’s workforce. Qatar and the United Arab Emirates have foreign workers in more than 95% of private sector jobs.

Foreign workers spread across different sectors in interesting ways:

• Construction sector: 26.5% in Saudi Arabia
• Retail and wholesale: 22.3% in Saudi Arabia
• Domestic services: 15% in Saudi Arabia, 28.9% in Bahrain

Private companies still shy away from hiring locals despite government pressure. The costs run higher and they think productivity stays lower. Saudi Arabia’s Nitaqat policy pushed 87% of companies to restructure just to avoid hiring quotas for locals.

Remittance Economies

GCC leads the world in sending money abroad. The region sent 23% of global remittances in 2013, about USD 90.00 billion. By 2023, money flowing to poorer countries reached USD 669.00 billion. The Gulf ranks second worldwide in dollar terms.

The Gulf’s remittance story has some key features:

1. Scale and Impact: Saudi Arabia ranks second globally in sending money abroad. Foreign workers make up more than 70% of people living in most Gulf states.
2. Regional Influence: Saudi Arabia and UAE send most remittances to South Asia, North Africa, and Southeast Asia. Indian workers in GCC countries send back about half of all money going to India.
3. Economic Stability: Money sent home stays steady even when foreign investments drop during tough times. Pakistan shows this clearly – monthly remittances averaged USD 2.20 billion while foreign investments averaged just USD 233.00 million.

These money flows mean more than just numbers. They make up big chunks of many countries’ GDP:

• Tajikistan: 48%
• Tonga: 41%
• Samoa: 32%
• Lebanon: 28%
• Nicaragua: 27%

The picture might change soon though. GCC governments now hire fewer foreign workers as they push to employ more locals. They also look for workers from new places like Africa and Central Asia. These new rules, plus efforts to grow beyond oil (economic diversification efforts), point to new patterns ahead in how people move through the region.

The Kafala System’s Evolution and Impact

The Kafala system, a restrictive migration sponsorship framework, started in the early twentieth century. It regulated foreign workers in the pearl industry throughout Gulf states. The system began as a temporary solution for labor needs during economic growth. Today, it has grown into a complex mechanism that controls millions of migrant workers’ lives.

Origins in Colonial Period

British colonial practices for managing foreigners in the Trucial States laid the foundation for today’s Kafala system. The responsibility for foreign worker sponsorship moved to citizens and citizen-owned companies after Gulf states became independent. Arab workers from Egypt, Yemen, and Palestine dominated the early system. A major change happened in the mid-1980s when falling oil prices led to hiring less skilled Asian workers instead.

Modern Implementation

Today’s Kafala system ties migrant workers to specific employers who control their employment relationship and immigration status. Qatar’s workforce consists of 94% migrant workers, mostly from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and the Philippines. The system works through several control mechanisms:

• Employers control entry, exit, work permits, and residence
• Workers need employer consent to change jobs
• Workers face restrictions on driver’s licenses and bank accounts
• Some states require employer approval for leaving the country

Effects on Migrant Rights

The Kafala system affects migrant workers’ rights in several ways. Arab Gulf countries have about 2.4 million domestic workers who face exploitation. Common violations include:

1. Labor Rights Violations: Employers often take away passports and phones. They keep domestic workers confined to homes and house non-domestic workers in crowded dormitories. Lebanon’s domestic workers report irregular monthly payments in seven out of the surveyed cases.
2. Legal Vulnerabilities: Workers risk arrest and deportation for “absconding” if they leave their employers without permission. Workers who take legal action against employers might lose their income and legal status.
3. Financial Exploitation: Host countries require employers to pay recruitment fees. These costs often end up burdening workers, which leads to debt bondage. Some employers cut or hold back wages as punishment or to cover recruitment costs.

Reform efforts have produced mixed outcomes. Bahrain led the Gulf Cooperation Council countries by claiming to end the Kafala system in 2009. Qatar removed the exit visa requirement in 2020 and set a monthly minimum wage of 1,000 riyals (USD 266.00). Yet major problems continue as employers still control workers’ movement and employment conditions.

The system’s influence reaches beyond individual workers and shapes broader economic patterns. Migrant laborers’ remittances made up 4.5% of Bangladesh’s total gross domestic product in 2022. Sending countries often avoid challenging the system’s abusive practices due to this economic dependence. Remittances to low- and middle-income countries dropped by USD 8.00 billion between 2019 and 2020. These numbers show the system’s extensive economic impact.

Dark Skin Arab Experiences in Gulf States

Skin color hierarchies shape social dynamics in Gulf states and create complex layers of discrimination that affect citizens and migrants alike. These biases demonstrate themselves through social, professional, and cultural dimensions that reflect deep-rooted colonial legacies.

Social Hierarchies Based on Skin Color

Gulf societies strongly link lighter skin to social status and privilege. Studies show darker-skinned Arabs experience more discrimination and have less social mobility. This bias goes beyond simple priorities, as lighter-skinned Arabs get better treatment in social settings and marriage prospects.

Egyptian society shows how centuries of Arab, Turkish, and European colonial rule created a direct link between lighter skin and elite status. This prejudice shows up openly when some Egyptians address people with skin-color descriptors like “black,” “dark,” or “chocolate”.

Marriage arrangements highlight these biases clearly. People looking for partners often specify they want someone “tall and white,” whatever other qualities they might have. Some communities stigmatize couples where the woman has darker skin by using derogatory terms like “tea with milk” or “castle next to the sea”.

Workplace Discrimination

Racial hierarchies create systematic barriers and biases in professional settings. Dark-skinned individuals hit career advancement ceilings and struggle to find jobs. Research reveals darker-skinned Arabs achieve lower education levels and face higher unemployment rates.

Media representation remains a huge challenge. Dark-skinned individuals hold very few media positions. The entertainment industry makes things worse by casting darker-complexioned people as doormen, waiters, and cleaners.

Dark-skinned women face even tougher challenges at work. Many turn to skin-lightening procedures and colored contact lenses because they believe these changes will help their careers. This practice shows how society links professional success to lighter skin tones.

Cultural Identity Challenges

Dark-skinned Arabs struggle with questions about cultural belonging and identity. Sudanese society shows this through its dual ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ cultural identities, where many Arabic speakers feel closer to Gulf Arabs. People find it hard to settle their cultural heritage with society’s preference for Arab features.

The beauty industry makes these challenges worse by heavily promoting skin-lightening products. Girls as young as 16 start using skin-lightening creams and makeup to look lighter. This behavior reflects deep-seated colorism that society reinforces by connecting beauty with lighter skin.

Regional activists emphasize that fighting racism means confronting deep-rooted prejudices. Anti-discrimination laws exist in some countries, but enforcement remains weak. Tunisian victims of discrimination, to cite an instance, often lack resources to take legal action.

Social movements have started challenging these long-standing hierarchies. Public figures like South Sudanese model Alek Wek and Egyptian actresses Sawsan Badr and Asma Abulyazeid help reshape beauty standards. Their visibility contributes to changing perceptions, though major barriers to equality still exist.

Technology’s Role in Migration Management

Gulf states have created groundbreaking tech solutions to manage migration flows. These solutions have transformed border operations and identity verification methods. The region’s migration governance has changed dramatically because of these advances.

Digital Identity Systems

The UAE leads the pack in state-of-the-art digital identity systems. They use multiple biometric checks that combine iris, facial recognition, and fingerprint data. Abu Dhabi Airport made history in 2011 by launching the world’s first detailed multi-biometric border management system. The system works through:

• E-registration stations where citizens and residents can pre-register
• Automated Border Control (ABC) e-gates that verify identity without contact
• E-counters that handle first-time registration and background checks

Saudi Arabia has built an impressive digital identity system too. The kingdom requires fingerprints from all expatriates and their dependents who are over 15 years old. Their partnership with Thales lets authorities handle up to 120,000 biometric checks each day. The system matches fingerprints against crime databases in under 10 seconds.

GCC member states are building a shared biometric database for expatriate workers. This database targets people who have broken civil or criminal laws to stop them from entering any Gulf country. Migrant workers make up 70% of the GCC workforce—about 20 million people. This database represents a major change in how the region manages migration.

Border Control Technologies

Border surveillance systems are another vital tech frontier. Saudi Arabia’s deal between Alat and China’s Dahua Technology aims to make surveillance hardware locally. The UAE now produces its own surveillance drones and works with Israeli partners to stop aerial threats.

New tech developments include:

1. Advanced Defense Systems: Gulf states now invest more in defense tech and work with Turkish drone maker Baykar
2. Integrated Platforms: The GCC’s New Vision makes shared intelligence and defense structures possible
3. Automated Processing: Dubai Airports added facial recognition at 122 smart gates to speed up immigration

These technologies raise important privacy issues. ID systems collect lots of sensitive data but give users limited control. Laws about digital IDs in Gulf states let public authorities handle personal data with few restrictions. The lack of independent oversight and weak data protection rules could make government surveillance systems vulnerable.

COVID-19 has made contactless systems more popular. Border control can now check identities from four to six meters away. Immigration offices have moved more services online to keep working during health restrictions.

Banks have joined forces with migration management systems. Digital banking now serves migrant workers better. NOW Money’s account system offers 90 ways to send money home. These platforms give workers complete financial services, quick salary management, and international transfers that meet their specific needs.

Reform Initiatives and Policy Changes

GCC states are moving away from their old labor management systems. These changes come from growing international pressure and local support for migrant workers’ rights.

Recent Labor Law Reforms

Saudi Arabia made big changes with its Labor Reform Initiative. Foreign workers can now switch employers without permission after working for a year. The UAE created flexi-visas for undocumented workers. Qatar passed groundbreaking laws that removed major parts of the sponsorship system.

The most important changes in GCC states include:

• Most states except Saudi Arabia removed exit visa rules
• Qatar led the way with a 1,000-riyal minimum wage
• New online systems let workers submit job-change requests
• Wage Protection Systems now catch missed payments

International Pressure

The ILO leads the push for better worker rights. Their work in Qatar helped improve worker mobility, safety, and access to justice. They worked with local officials to create ways to enforce new rules.

Qatar’s 2022 FIFA World Cup preparations brought huge changes. The country responded to criticism with new laws that:

• Removed the need for employer permission to change jobs
• Created penalties for holding back wages
• Started programs to teach workers about their rights

Grassroots Movements

The Coalition on Labor Justice for Migrants in the Gulf became a powerful force for change in June 2024. This group brings together Anti-Slavery International, Equidem, and other organizations to improve conditions in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Qatar.

The coalition wants these basic changes:

• Freedom to join unions
• Better access to justice and solutions
• Clear separation between immigration and labor laws

Migrant-Rights.org, a 17-year old organization, shows worker abuse through research and talks with companies. Their work has made businesses and governments promise to stop wage theft and online abuse of domestic workers.

Problems still exist. Many GCC states keep important parts of the sponsorship system. Recent changes don’t help domestic workers, farm workers, and mass-hired employees much. The legal changes in GCC countries often look good on paper but don’t really help workers.

Future reforms need to fix deep-rooted problems. Oil-based development shapes how these countries handle migration. So, the two-level labor markets continue, and wage gaps between local and foreign workers remain.

The Gulf states’ migration patterns show how colonial history, money, and racial differences work together. British Empire rules from decades ago created lasting systems that still influence how migration works today through laws and government organizations.

Oil wealth changed everything. Gulf countries now lead the world in sending money abroad, though new policies might change this soon. The Kafala system still gives employers much control over migrant workers’ lives, even after recent changes. New technology has revolutionized how borders work and how people prove who they are.

Race plays a big role too. Dark-skinned Arabs face discrimination at work, in society, and in cultural settings. Reform efforts look promising, but the biggest problems haven’t gone away. The job market still treats citizens and migrants differently, much like it did during colonial times.

History shapes how migration works today in powerful ways. Better migration policies need to address both deep-rooted inequalities and practical challenges that Gulf states face. These policies must be fair to everyone involved.