Why Trump Dreams of Making America More Like the Gulf States

Trump received a purple-carpeted welcome in Saudi Arabia that contrasts sharply with his reception at home. The Gulf has become his second home, both as former and current president. His first foreign trip in his second term matches his initial 2017 visit to the region. This shows his ongoing interest in Gulf countries.

Money drives this relationship strongly. Trump wants to secure $1 trillion in Gulf investment to boost the US economy as America’s public debt nears $36 trillion. Saudi Arabia holds mineral reserves worth $2.5 trillion. The UAE plans to invest $1.4 trillion over the next decade. These financial powerhouses could help balance Trump’s tariff-focused economic strategy.

Qatar has become a diplomatic center despite its small population of 2.5 million people. The country connects warring nations and hostile groups while hosting major events like the FIFA World Cup. Gulf states’ growing influence shows a clear power shift from West to East. Trump seems ready to use this shift as he guides America through the changing global scene.

Trump’s admiration for Gulf leadership and lifestyle

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Trump’s relationship with Gulf monarchies extends beyond diplomatic needs. He genuinely admires their leadership style, luxurious displays, and how they govern. His frequent trips to the region reveal his vision for America’s future.

The royal treatment: why Trump feels at home in the Gulf

Gulf leaders coordinate spectacular welcomes for Trump that appeal to his personal taste. Gold-plated meeting rooms and mile-long motorcades showcase wealth and power that Trump appreciates deeply. Saudi Arabia and the UAE treat him like royalty with sword dances, extravagant banquets, and ceremonies far grander than usual diplomatic protocols.

The personal connection between Trump and Gulf monarchs seems authentic. Trump often has strained meetings with Western democratic leaders. However, his interactions with leaders like Mohammed bin Salman feature warm greetings and generous praise. Their comfortable relationship shows a mutual understanding that surpasses political convenience.

Admiring the Gulf’s skyscrapers and mega-projects

Trump, drawing from his real estate background, marvels at the Gulf’s architectural feats. Dubai’s Burj Khalifa and Saudi Arabia’s planned 170-kilometer linear city NEOM represent the ambitious projects he once dreamed of building in American cities.

These mega-developments captivate him because of their rapid completion. Projects that would take decades in America often rise from the desert within years. The gleaming glass facades and gold accents of these buildings match Trump’s signature style seen in his properties worldwide.

The appeal of strongmen and centralized power

Trump’s admiration for Gulf leadership’s quick decision-making stands out. These monarchs can implement policies without legislative hurdles or judicial oversight. This governance model clearly draws his interest.

He consistently praises Gulf leaders for:

• Making quick decisions
• Operating with minimal media oversight
• Completing massive infrastructure projects
• Maintaining central authority

His fondness for this strongman leadership style shows his dissatisfaction with American democratic limits. It suggests the type of governance he might prefer without constitutional restrictions.

Economic motivations behind Trump’s Gulf fascination

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Money and economics play a big role in Trump’s connection to the Gulf region, beyond his personal admiration. These oil-rich nations’ financial power and investment possibilities are a great way to get his continued attention.

Chasing Gulf investment: $1 trillion ambitions

The life-blood of Trump’s Gulf strategy centers on bringing massive capital into American markets. His economic vision heavily depends on persuading Gulf states to move their sovereign wealth into U.S. infrastructure, technology, and manufacturing sectors. This strategy could deliver economic growth without depending only on debt-financed government spending.

Trump’s previous administration celebrated arms deals with Saudi Arabia worth hundreds of billions of dollars. The actual numbers were nowhere near what was announced. Notwithstanding that, these agreements became the model for his economic dealings with Gulf nations.

The role of sovereign wealth funds in U.S. projects

Gulf sovereign wealth funds rank among the world’s largest pools of investment capital. Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF) controls assets worth more than $900 billion. Abu Dhabi’s funds manage over $1.5 trillion in global investments.

These funds have already committed large sums to American companies and infrastructure projects. Yes, it is worth noting that Jared Kushner’s private equity firm received $2 billion from Saudi Arabia’s PIF after Trump left office. This deal shows how personal financial relationships often go hand in hand with diplomatic ties.

AI, tech, and energy deals with Saudi Arabia and UAE

Trump’s Gulf economic strategy relies heavily on strategic sectors like artificial intelligence, advanced computing, and energy innovation. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have poured money into these fields to diversify their economies.

Gulf capital and American technology create cooperative partnerships that support Trump’s economic narrative. These arrangements typically include:

• Technology transfer agreements benefiting both parties
• Joint ventures between American tech companies and Gulf sovereign entities
• Research collaborations in emerging fields like quantum computing

Trump’s business background makes these economic opportunities attractive both politically and personally. This adds to his admiration for how Gulf monarchies govern their countries.

Authoritarian efficiency vs. American bureaucracy

The way Gulf states and American democracy handle project approvals, execution, and regulation shows a clear difference that Trump finds appealing.

No environmental red tape: fast-tracked development

Gulf states know how to approve and build massive projects without lengthy environmental reviews, which represents a model Trump openly desires. The UAE Zero Government Bureaucracy program plans to remove at least 2,000 government measures. The program will cut procedure times in half and remove unnecessary bureaucracy by 2024’s end. This simplified approach lets rapid development happen without the environmental oversight that America requires.

The U.S. Interior Department has used “categorical exclusions” to speed up offshore oil projects for over 40 years. These exclusions let projects skip normal environmental review requirements. BP’s Deepwater Horizon project received approval through this same exclusion, which led to America’s largest oil spill.

Trump’s frustration with U.S. regulations

Trump eliminated or weakened more than 100 environmental protections during his first term. His administration targeted everything from fuel economy standards to methane emissions rules. His second term’s first 100 days saw roughly 145 actions to remove or weaken environmental regulations.

Trump has voiced his frustration with America’s “archaic system” of governance openly. He sees regulatory processes as obstacles rather than protective measures. His preference for Gulf-style efficiency became clear when he blocked Congress-approved funds for clean energy projects.

The dream of unchecked executive power

Trump’s admiration for Gulf governance stems from his desire for expanded presidential authority. He claimed, “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president”. This leadership view aligns more with Gulf monarchies than American democratic principles.

Legal experts caution that Trump “challenges just about every constraint on his power”. They suggest he tries to “steal all the power to administrate government from Congress”. This governance vision, with minimal legislative or judicial oversight, mirrors Gulf states’ centralized authority that helps them move quickly from concept to completion.

The risks of emulating Gulf governance

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Democratic systems face major challenges when they try to adopt Gulf governance models. The region’s documented practices show why this is problematic.

Human rights concerns and media suppression

Gulf states control free expression through strict censorship and harsh punishments. UAE authorities actively hunt down anyone who speaks against them, according to Reporters Without Borders. The government blocks websites and filters foreign media that might threaten what they call “social cohesion”. Journalists pay a heavy price:

• They go to jail for “defamation” or “spreading false information”
• They face charges of damaging their country’s image
• They end up in detention with no court review
• They suffer torture and other abuse

Saudi Arabia ranks near the bottom (172nd out of 180 countries) for press freedom. Critical journalism simply doesn’t exist there. The government sees media as just a tool to push their agenda. The UAE even kicked out a Palestinian teacher from New York University because of political views shared with colleagues.

Blurring lines between business and politics

The way business and government mix in Gulf states raises red flags. You can’t tell business leaders from political elites anymore in Gulf monarchies because ruling family members run many businesses themselves.

Business leaders rely heavily on government money and contracts. This means they won’t push for political changes. They support the regime instead, which creates huge gaps between rich business families and the rest of the population.

What it means for American democracy

American democracy would change dramatically if it copied this style of governance. Media freedom would suffer as criticizing the government becomes risky. Political power would merge with business interests, making rich people even richer. Anyone who speaks up would face punishment for “spreading rumors” or “hurting national unity.”

This model goes against everything American democracy stands for – separation of powers, free speech, and holding leaders accountable. One expert points out that America and Gulf monarchies see things very differently when it comes to political order, personal freedom, and gender relations. These differences are what make American democracy unique.

Donald Trump’s political career shows his clear admiration for Gulf monarchies beyond diplomatic needs. His vision for American governance without doubt mirrors these monarchies that put efficiency, centralized authority, and rapid development ahead of democratic checks and balances.

Money definitely drives much of this relationship. Gulf sovereign wealth funds represent trillion-dollar opportunities that Trump is happy to pursue to tackle America’s mounting debt crisis. These financial powerhouses create paths to economic growth without depending solely on government spending, which benefits both sides.

All the same, Trump’s clear envy of Gulf leadership models reveals the most. Knowing how to execute massive projects without environmental reviews or legislative gridlock contrasts sharply with America’s “archaic system” of governance. His past efforts to weaken environmental protections and expand presidential powers show his concrete desire to copy Gulf-style governance methods.

These apparent advantages come with most important risks when you look at the full impact of such a governance change. Media suppression, mixed business and political interests, and missing accountability measures go against America’s constitutional foundations completely. Such profound differences prove Gulf governance models cannot work with core democratic principles.

Trump’s pursuit of closer Gulf state ties during his second term should make Americans think over what this relationship says about his vision for the country’s future. The purple carpets and royal treatment he gets abroad may match his priorities, but they hint at a governance model that endangers America’s democratic institutions. Efficiency has merit, but the cost in personal freedoms, accountability, and constitutional protections would turn America into something its founders wouldn’t recognize.